Law and Justice

Law and Justice (Polish: Prawo i Sprawiedliwość [ˈpravɔ i spravjɛdˈlivɔɕtɕ] (About this soundlisten); PiS) is a national conservative[2][25] and right-wing populist[34] political party in Poland, a member of the Eurosceptic European Conservatives and Reformists Party.[35] With 198 seats in the Polish Sejm and 48 in the Senate, PiS is currently the largest political party in the Polish parliament, and the dominant party of the United Right ruling coalition. The current twenty-five PiS MEPs sit in the European Conservatives and Reformists Group in the European Parliament.

Law and Justice

Prawo i Sprawiedliwość
AbbreviationPiS
ChairmanJarosław Kaczyński
Parliamentary LeaderRyszard Terlecki
FounderLech Kaczyński
Jarosław Kaczyński
Founded13 June 2001; 19 years ago (2001-06-13)
Merger ofCentre Agreement
Right Alliance (Split from Solidarity Electoral Action and Christian National Union)
Youth wingLaw and Justice Youth Forum
Membership (2020)more than 40,000[1]
IdeologyMajority:
 • National conservatism[2][3]
 • Soft Euroscepticism[4][5]
 • Economic interventionism[6][7]
 • Economic nationalism[8][9][10]
 • Social conservatism[3][11]
 • Right-wing populism[12][13][14][15]
 • Catholic nationalism[16]
 • Polish nationalism[17][18][19][20]

Factions:[21]
 • Agrarianism[22][23][24][25][26]
Political positionRight-wing[27][28][29]
National affiliationUnited Right
European affiliationEuropean Conservatives and Reformists Party
European Parliament groupEuropean Conservatives and Reformists
Colours  Navy blue   White   Red[30]
Sejm
196 / 460
[31]
Senate
44 / 100
[32]
European Parliament
24 / 52
[33]
Regional assemblies
254 / 552
City Presidents
5 / 107
Website
www.pis.org.pl

The party was founded in 2001 by the Kaczyński twins, Lech and Jarosław, as a centrist and Christian democratic party. It was formed from part of the Solidarity Electoral Action (AWS), with the Christian democratic Centre Agreement forming the new party's core.[36] The party won the 2005 election, while Lech Kaczyński won the presidency. Law and Justice formed a coalition with the Eurosceptic League of Polish Families (LPR) and Self-Defence of the Republic of Poland (SRP). Jarosław served as Prime Minister, before calling elections in 2007, in which the party came in second to Civic Platform (PO). In these elections PiS lost most of its moderate electorate but attracted voters from its former coalition members and then turned to nationalism and populism. As a result LPR and SRP lost all their seats and descended into political irrelevancy. Several leading members, including sitting president Lech Kaczyński, died in a plane crash in 2010.

During its founding the party was dominated by the Kaczyńskis' conservative and law and order agenda.[36] It has embraced economic interventionism, while maintaining a socially conservative stance that in 2005 moved towards the Catholic Church;[36] the party's Catholic nationalist wing split off in 2011 to form Solidary Poland but then formed a joint ballot with PiS before the 2015 elections. After gaining power, PiS gained popularity with transfer payments to families with children,[37] but attracted international criticism and domestic protest movements by dismantling liberal-democratic checks and balances. Political scientists have characterized the party's governance as illiberal or authoritarian.[38]

HistoryEdit

FormationEdit

The party was created on a wave of popularity gained by Lech Kaczyński while heading the Polish Ministry of Justice (June 2000 to July 2001) in the AWS-led government, although local committees began appearing from 22 March 2001. The AWS itself was created from a diverse array of many small political parties. In the 2001 general election, PiS gained 44 (of 460) seats in the lower chamber of the Polish Parliament (Sejm) with 9.5% of votes. In 2002, Lech Kaczyński was elected mayor of Warsaw. He handed the party leadership to his twin brother in 2003.[citation needed]

In coalition government: 2005–2007Edit

 
Former regional office of PiS in Zwycięstwa Street in Antoniuk District of Białystok, May 2019

In the 2005 general election, PiS took first place with 27.0% of votes, which gave it 155 out of 460 seats in the Sejm and 49 out of 100 seats in the Senate. It was almost universally expected that the two largest parties, PiS and Civic Platform (PO), would form a coalition government.[36] The putative coalition parties had a falling out, however, related to a fierce contest for the Polish presidency. In the end, Lech Kaczyński won the second round of the presidential election on 23 October 2005 with 54.0% of the vote, ahead of Donald Tusk, the PO candidate.

After the 2005 elections, Jarosław should have become Prime Minister. However, in order to improve his brother's chances of winning the presidential election (the first round of which was scheduled two weeks after the parliamentary election), PiS formed a minority government headed by Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz as prime minister, an arrangement that eventually turned out to be unworkable. In July 2006, PiS formed a right-wing coalition government with the agrarian populist Self-Defence of the Republic of Poland and the nationalist League of Polish Families, headed by Jarosław Kaczyński. Association with these parties, on the margins of Polish politics, severely affected the reputation of PiS. When accusations of corruption and sexual harassment against Andrzej Lepper, the leader of Self-Defence, surfaced, PiS chose to end the coalition and called for new elections.[citation needed]

In opposition: 2007–2015Edit

In the 2007 general election, PiS managed to secure 32.1% of votes. Although an improvement over its showing from 2005, the results were nevertheless a defeat for the party, as Civic Platform (PO) gathered 41.5%. The party won 166 out of 460 seats in the Sejm and 39 seats in Poland's Senate.

On 10 April 2010, its former leader Lech Kaczyński died in the 2010 Polish Air Force Tu-154 crash. Jarosław Kaczyński becomes the sole leader of the party. He was the presidential candidate in the 2010 elections.

In majority government: 2015–presentEdit

 
A Committee for the Defence of Democracy demonstration in Warsaw against the ruling Law and Justice party, on 7 May 2016

The party won the 2015 parliamentary election, this time with an outright majority—something no Polish party had done since the fall of communism. In the normal course of events, this should have made Jarosław Kaczyński prime minister for a second time. However, Beata Szydło, perceived as being somewhat more moderate than Kaczyński, had been tapped as PiS's candidate for prime minister.[39][40]

The party opposes liberal democracy[41][42] seeing itself as inspired by Jozef Pilsudski's authoritarian Sanacja government.[43] It supported controversial reforms carried out by the Hungarian Fidesz party, with Jarosław Kaczyński declaring in 2011 that "a day will come when we have a Budapest in Warsaw".[44] PiS's 2015 victory prompted creation of a cross-party opposition movement, the Committee for the Defence of Democracy (KOD).[45] Law and Justice has Proposed 2017 judicial reforms, which according to the party were meant to improve efficiency of the justice system, sparked protest as they were seen as undermining judicial independence.[46][47][48][49][50] While these reforms were initially unexpectedly vetoed by President Duda, he later signed them into law.[51] European Council president Donald Tusk warned that the bill might push Poland out of the EU.[52] In 2017, the European Union began an Article 7 infringement procedure against Poland due to a "clear risk of a serious breach" in the rule of law and fundamental values of the European Union.[53]

The party has caused what constitutional law scholar Wojciech Sadurski termed a "constitutional breakdown"[54] by packing the Constitutional Court with its supporters, undermining parliamentary procedure, and reducing the president's and prime minister's offices in favor of power being wielded extra-constitutionally by party leader Jarosław Kaczyński.[42] After eliminating constitutional checks, the government then moved to curtail the activities of NGOs and independent media, restrict freedom of speech and assembly, and reduce the qualifications required for civil service jobs in order to fill these positions with party loyalists.[42][55] The media law was changed to give the governing party control of the state media, which was turned into a partisan outlet, with dissenting journalists fired from their jobs.[42][56] Due to these political changes, Poland has been termed an "illiberal democracy",[57][58] "plebiscitarian authoritarianism",[59] or "velvet dictatorship with a façade of democracy".[60]

The party won reelection in the 2019 parliamentary election. With 44% of the popular vote, Law and Justice received the highest vote share by any party since Poland returned to democracy in 1989, but lost its majority in the Senate.[citation needed]

BreakawaysEdit

In January 2010, a breakaway faction led by Jerzy Polaczek split from the party to form Poland Plus. Its seven members of the Sejm came from the centrist, economically liberal wing of the party. On 24 September 2010, the group was disbanded, with most of its Sejm members, including Polaczek, returning to Law and Justice.

On 16 November 2010, MPs Joanna Kluzik-Rostkowska, Elżbieta Jakubiak and Paweł Poncyljusz, and MEPs Adam Bielan and Michał Kamiński formed a new political group, Poland Comes First (Polska jest Najważniejsza).[61] Kamiński said that the Law and Justice party had been taken over by far-right extremists. The breakaway party formed following dissatisfaction with the direction and leadership of Kaczyński.[62]

On 4 November 2011, MEPs Zbigniew Ziobro, Jacek Kurski, and Tadeusz Cymański were ejected from the party, after Ziobro urged the party to split further into two separate parties – centrist and nationalist – with the three representing the nationalist faction.[63] Ziobro's supporters, most of whom on the right-wing of the party, formed a new group in Parliament called Solidary Poland,[64] leading to their expulsion, too.[65] United Poland was formed as a formally separate party in March 2012, but has not threatened Law and Justice in opinion polls.[66]

Base of supportEdit

 
Law and Justice's main support (dark blue) is concentrated in the south-east of the country (former Russian Partition and Austrian Partition), results of the 2015 Polish parliamentary election
 
Law and Justice's main support (dark blue). increased support in the 2019 Polish parliamentary election

Like Civic Platform, but unlike the fringe parties to the right, Law and Justice originated from the anti-communist Solidarity trade union (which is a major cleavage in Polish politics), which was not a theocratic organisation.[67] Solidarity's leadership wanted to back Law and Justice in 2005, but was held back by the union's last experience of party politics, in backing Solidarity Electoral Action.[36]

Today, the party enjoys great support among working class constituencies and union members. Groups that vote for the party include miners, farmers, shopkeepers, unskilled workers, the unemployed, and pensioners. With its left-wing approach toward economics, the party attracts voters who feel that economic liberalisation and European integration have left them behind.[68] The party's core support derives from older, religious people who value conservatism and patriotism. PiS voters are usually located in rural areas and small towns. The strongest region of support is the southeastern part of the country. Voters without a university degree tend to prefer the party more than college-educated voters do.

Regionally, it has more support in regions of Poland that were historically part of western Galicia-Lodomeria and Congress Poland.[69] Since 2015, the borders of support are not as clear as before and party enjoys support in western parts of country, especially these deprived ones.[citation needed] Large cities in all regions are more likely to vote for more liberal party like PO or .N. Still PiS receives good support from poor and working class areas in large cities.[citation needed]

Based on this voter profile, Law and Justice forms the core of the conservative post-Solidarity bloc, along with the League of Polish Families and Solidarity Electoral Action, as opposed to liberal conservative post-Solidarity bloc of Civic Platform.[70] The most prominent feature of PiS voters was their emphasis on decommunisation.[71]

IdeologyEdit

Initially the party was broadly pro-market, although less so than the Civic Platform.[68] It has adopted the social market economy rhetoric similar to that of western European Christian democratic parties.[36] In the 2005 election, the party shifted to the protectionist left on economics.[68] As Prime Minister, Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz was more economically liberal than the Kaczyńskis, advocating a position closer to Civic Platform.[72]

On foreign policy, PiS is Atlanticist and less supportive of European integration than Civic Platform.[68] The party is soft eurosceptic[73][74] and opposes a federal Europe. In its campaigns, it emphasises that the European Union should "benefit Poland and not the other way around".[75] It is a member of the anti-federalist European Conservatives and Reformists Party, having previously been a part of the Alliance for Europe of the Nations and, before that, the European People's Party.[36][76]

PlatformEdit

 
Beata Szydło - Narodowe Święto Niepodległości

EconomyEdit

The party supports a state-guaranteed minimum social safety net and state intervention in the economy within market economy bounds. During the 2015 election campaign, it proposed tax decrease to two personal tax rates (18% and 32%) and tax rebates related to the number of children in a family, as well as a reduction of the VAT rate (while keeping a variation between individual types of VAT rates). 18% and 32% tax rates were eventually implemented. Also: a continuation of privatization with the exclusion of several dozen state companies deemed to be of strategic importance for the country. PiS opposes cutting social welfare spending, and also proposed the introduction of a system of state-guaranteed housing loans. PiS supports state provided universal health care.[77]

National political structuresEdit

 
PiS meeting on National Independence Day

PiS has presented a project for constitutional reform including, among others: allowing the president the right to pass laws by decree (when prompted to do so by the Cabinet), a reduction of the number of members of the Sejm and Senat, and removal of constitutional bodies overseeing the media and monetary policy. PiS advocates increased criminal penalties. It postulates aggressive anti-corruption measures (including creation of an Anti-Corruption Bureau (CBA), open disclosure of the assets of politicians and important public servants), as well as broad and various measures to smooth the working of public institutions.

PiS is a strong supporter of lustration (lustracja), a verification system created ostensibly to combat the influence of the Communist era security apparatus in Polish society. While current lustration laws require the verification of those who serve in public offices, PiS wants to expand the process to include university professors, lawyers, journalists, managers of large companies, and others performing "public functions". Those found to have collaborated with the security service, according to the party, should be forbidden to practice in their professions.

Diplomacy and defenseEdit

The party is in favour of strengthening the Polish Army through diminishing bureaucracy and raising military expenditures, especially for modernization of army equipment. PiS planned to introduce a fully professional army and end conscription by 2012 (in August 2008, compulsory military service was abolished in Poland). It is also in favor of participation of Poland in foreign military missions led by the United Nations, NATO and United States, in countries like Afghanistan and Iraq.

 
Visegrád Group leaders' meeting in Prague, 2015

The party supports integration with the European Union on terms beneficial for Poland. It supports economic integration and tightening the cooperation in areas of energetic security and military, but is skeptical about closer political integration. It is against formation of European superstate or federation. PiS is in favor of strong political and military alliance of Poland with the United States.

In the European Parliament it is a member of the European Conservatives and Reformists, a group founded in 2009 to challenge the prevailing pro-federalist ethos of the European Parliament and address the perceived democratic deficit existing at a European level.

Social policiesEdit

The party's views on social issues are much more traditionalist than those of social conservative parties in other European countries.

Family policiesEdit

The party strongly promotes itself as a pro-family party and encourages married couples to have more children. Prior to 2005 elections, it promised to build 3 million inexpensive housing units as a way to help young couples start a family. Once in government, it passed legislation lengthening parental leaves.

In 2017, the PiS government commenced the so-called "500+" programme under which all parents residing in Poland receive an unconditional monthly payment of 500 PLN for each second and subsequent child (the 500 PLN support for the first child being linked to income). It also revived the idea of a housing programme based on state-supported construction of inexpensive housing units.

Also in 2017, the party's MPs passed a law that bans most retail trade on Sundays so that workers can spend more time with their families.

Abortion stanceEdit

 
Anti-PiS poster during the October 2020 protests in Kraków (five stars represent a common profanity, three represent the party name).[78]

Even as Poland's abortion laws are among the most restrictive in the European Union, PiS additionally opposes abortion resulting from foetal defects[79] which is currently allowed until specific foetal age. Despite that PiS has not changed the abortion law in this regard.

The party is also against euthanasia and comprehensive sex education. It has also proposed a ban of in-vitro fertilisation.

Disability rightsEdit

In April 2018, the PiS government announced a PLN 23 billion (EUR 5.5 billion) programme (named "Accessibility+") aimed at reducing barriers for disabled people, to be implemented 2018–2025.[80][81]

Also in April 2018, parents of disabled adults who required long-term care protested in Sejm over what they considered inadequate state support, in particular, the reduction of support once the child turns 18.[82][83] As a result, the monthly disability benefit for adults was raised by approx. 15 percent to PLN 1,000 (approx. EUR 240) and certain non-cash benefits were instituted, although protesters' demands of an additional monthly cash benefit were rejected.

Gay rightsEdit

 
LGBT ideology free zones in Poland (red) as of January 2020.

The party opposes LGBT rights, in particular same-sex marriages and any other form of legal recognition of same-sex couples. In 2020, Poland was ranked the lowest of any European Union country for LGBT rights by ILGA-Europe.[84] The organization also highlighted instances of anti-LGBT rhetoric and hate speech by politicians of the ruling party.[85][86] A 2019 survey by Eurobarometer found that more than two-thirds of LGBT people in Poland believe that prejudice against them has risen in the last five years.[87]

On 21 September 2005, PiS leader Jarosław Kaczyński said that "homosexuals should not be isolated, however they should not be school teachers for example. Active homosexuals surely not, in any case", but that homosexuals "should not be discriminated otherwise".[88] He has also stated, "The affirmation of homosexuality will lead to the downfall of civilization. We can't agree to it".[89] Lech Kaczynski, while mayor of Warsaw, refused authorization for a gay pride march; declaring that it would be obscene and offensive to other people's religious beliefs.[90] He stated, "I am not willing to meet perverts."[91] In Bączkowski and Others v. Poland, the European Court of Human Rights unanimously ruled that the ban of the parade violated Articles 11, 13 and 14 of the European Convention on Human Rights. The judgement stated that "The positive obligation of a State to secure genuine and effective respect for freedom of association and assembly was of particular importance to those with unpopular views or belonging to minorities".[92]

In 2016 Beata Szydło's government disbanded the Council for the Prevention of Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Intolerance, an advisory body set up in 2011 by then-Prime Minister Donald Tusk. The council monitored, advised and coordinated government action against racism, discrimination and hate crime.[93][94]

Many local towns, cities,[95][96] and Voivodeship sejmiks[97] comprising a third of Poland's territory have declared their respective regions as LGBT-free zones with the encouragement of the ruling PiS.[98][95] Polish President Andrzej Duda, who was the Law and Justice party's candidate for presidency in 2015 and 2020, stated that "LGBT is not people, it's an ideology which is worse than Communism."[99][100] During his 2020 successful election campaign, he pledged he would ban teaching about LGBT issues in schools[101] and he proposed changing the constitution to ban LGBT couples from adopting children.[102]

NationalismEdit

Academic research has characterized Law and Justice as a nationalist party,[103][104][105] but PiS's leadership rejects this label.[a] Both Kaczyńskis look up for inspirations to the pre-war Sanacja movement with its leader Józef Piłsudski, in contrast to the nationalist Endecja that was led by Piłsudski's political archrival, Roman Dmowski.[109] However, parts of the party, especially the faction around Radio Maryja, are inspired by Dmowski's movement.[110] Polish far-right organizations and parties such as National Revival of Poland, National Movement and Autonomous Nationalists regularly criticize PiS's relative ideological moderation and its politicians for "monopolizing" official political scene by playing on the popular patriotic and religious feelings.[111][112][113][better source needed] However, the party does include several overtly nationalist politicians in senior positions, such as Digital Affairs Minister Adam Andruszkiewicz, the former leader of the All-Polish Youth;[114] and deputy PiS leader and former Defence Minister Antoni Macierewicz, the founder of the National-Catholic Movement.[115]

Refugee and economic migrant policiesEdit

PiS opposed the quota system for mass relocation of immigrants proposed by the European Commission to address the 2015 European migrant crisis. This contrasted with the stance of their main political opponents, the Civic Platform, which have signed up to the Commission's proposal.[116] Consequently, in the campaign leading to the 2015 Polish parliamentary election, PiS adopted the discourse typical of the populist-right, linking national security with immigration.[117] Following the election, PiS sometimes utilised Islamophobic rhetoric to rally its supporters.[118]

Examples of anti-migration and anti-Islam comments by PiS politicians when discussing the European migrant crisis:[119] in 2015, Jarosław Kaczyński stated that Poland "can't" accept any refugees because "they could spread infectious diseases."[120] In 2017, the first Deputy Minister of Justice Patryk Jaki stated that "stopping Islamization is his Westerplatte".[121] In 2017, Interior minister of Poland Mariusz Błaszczak stated that he would like to be called "Charles the Hammer who stopped the Muslim invasion of Europe in the 8th century". In 2017, Deputy Speaker of the Sejm Joachim Brudziński stated during the pro-party rally in Siedlce; "if not for us (PiS), they (Muslims) would have built mosques in here (Poland)."[122]

Internal factionsEdit

Law and Justice is divided into many internal factions, but they can be grouped into three main blocs.[123][124][125][126][127]

The most influential, although not the most numerous, group within PiS is unofficially named "Order of the Centre Agreement". It is led by leader is Jarosław Kaczyński, and its main members are Joachim Brudziński, Adam Lipiński and Mariusz Błaszczak.

The second major group is a radical, religious and hard Eurosceptic right-wing faction focused around Antoni Macierewicz, Beata Szydło and the United Poland party of Zbigniew Ziobro. This faction opts for radical reforms and is supported by Jacek Kurski and Tadeusz Rydzyk.

The third major group is a Christian-democratic, republican and conservative-liberal faction focused around Mateusz Morawiecki, Łukasz Szumowski, Jacek Czaputowicz and the Agreement party of Jarosław Gowin. Although not officially a party member, Polish president Andrzej Duda can also be placed in this faction.

PiS Political CommitteeEdit

President:

'Vice Presidents' :

Treasurer:

  • Teresa Schubert

'Spokesperson' :

'Party discipline spokesman' :

'Chairman of the Executive Committee' :

'President of the Parliamentary Club' :

LeadershipEdit

No. Image Name Tenure
1.   Lech Kaczyński 13 June 2001–
18 January 2003
2.   Jarosław Kaczyński 18 January 2003
Incumbent

Election resultsEdit

SejmEdit

Election year Leader # of
votes
% of
vote
# of
overall seats won
+/– Government
2001 Lech Kaczyński 1,236,787 9.5 (#4)
44 / 460
SLD– UPPSL
SLD– UP Minority
2005 Jarosław Kaczyński 3,185,714 27.0 (#1)
155 / 460
  111 PiS–SRPLPR
2007 Jarosław Kaczyński 5,183,477 32.1 (#2)
166 / 460
  11 POPSL
2011 Jarosław Kaczyński 4,295,016 29.9 (#2)
157 / 460
  9 POPSL
2015 Jarosław Kaczyński 5,711,687 37.6 (#1)
217 / 460
  60 PiS
As a part of the United Right coalition, which won 235 seats in total.[128]
2019 Jarosław Kaczyński 8,051,935 43.6 (#1)
199 / 460
  18 PiS
As a part of the United Right coalition, which won 235 seats in total.

SenateEdit

Election year # of
overall seats won
+/–
2001
0 / 100
As part of the Senate 2001 coalition, which won 15 seats.
2005
49 / 100
  49
2007
39 / 100
  10
2011
31 / 100
  8
2015
61 / 100
  30
2019
48 / 100
  13

European ParliamentEdit

Election year # of
votes
% of
vote
# of
overall seats won
+/–
2004 771,858 12.7 (#3)
7 / 54
2009 2,017,607 27.4 (#2)
15 / 50
  8
2014 2,246,870 31.8 (#2)
19 / 51
*
  4
2019 6,192,780 45.38 (#1)
27 / 51
*
  8

*Currently 16: Zdzisław Krasnodębski is elected from the PiS register, but not a member of the party, Mirosław Piotrowski left PiS (08.10.2014), Marek Jurek is a member of Right Wing of the Republic.

PresidentialEdit

Election year Candidate 1st round 2nd round
# of overall votes % of overall vote # of overall votes % of overall vote
2005 Lech Kaczyński 4,947,927 33.1 (#2) 8,257,468 54.0 (#1)
2010 Jarosław Kaczyński 6,128,255 36.5 (#2) 7,919,134 47.0 (#2)
2015 Andrzej Duda 5,179,092 34.8 (#1) 8,719,281 51.5 (#1)
2020 Supported Andrzej Duda 8,450,513 43.50 (#1) 10,440,648 51.03% (#1)

Regional assembliesEdit

Election year % of
vote
# of
overall seats won
+/–
2002 12.1 (#4)
79 / 561
In coalition with Civic Platform as POPiS.
2006 25.1 (#2)
170 / 561
2010 23.1 (#2)
141 / 561
  29
2014 26.9 (#1)
171 / 555
  30
2018 34.3 (#1)
254 / 552
  83

County CouncilsEdit

Election year % of
vote
# of
overall seats won
+/–
2002 no data
0 / 6,294
2006 19.8 (#1)
1,242 / 6,284
  1242
2010 17.3 (#2)
1,085 / 6,290
  157
2014 23.5 (#1)
1,514 / 6,276
  429
2018 30.5 (#1)
2,114 / 6,244
  600

MayorsEdit

Election No. Change
2006 77
2010 37   40
2014 124   87
2018 234   110

Presidents of the Republic of Poland from PiSEdit

Name Image From To
Lech Kaczyński   23 December 2005 10 April 2010 (died in plane crash)
Andrzej Duda   6 August 2015 incumbent

Prime Ministers of the Republic of Poland from PiSEdit

Name Image From To
Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz   31 October 2005 14 July 2006
Jarosław Kaczyński   14 July 2006 16 November 2007
Beata Szydło   16 November 2015 11 December 2017
Mateusz Morawiecki   11 December 2017 incumbent

Voivodeship MarshalsEdit

Name Image Voivodeship Date vocation
Grzegorz Schreiber   Łódź Voivodeship 22 November 2018
Jarosław Stawiarski   Lublin Voivodeship 21 November 2018
Władysław Ortyl   Podkarpackie Voivodeship 27 May 2013
Jakub Chełstowski   Silesian Voivodeship 21 November 2018
Andrzej Bętkowski   Świętokrzyskie Voivodeship 22 November 2018
Witold Kozłowski Lesser Poland Voivodeship 19 November 2018
Artur Kosicki Podlaskie Voivodeship 11 December 2018

See alsoEdit

NotesEdit

  1. ^ During the 2008 Polish Independence Day celebrations, Lech Kaczyński said in his speech during the visit to the city of Elbląg that "the state is a great value, and attachment to the state, to one's fatherland, we call patriotism - beware of the word nationalism, as nationalism is evil!"[106] On the same day during the celebrations in Warsaw, L. Kaczyński again stated: "patriotism doesn't equal nationalism."[107] In 2011, Jarosław Kaczyński criticized pre-war Polish nationalism for "its intellectual, political and moral failure" by emphasising that the movement "did not know how to deal with and solve the problems of Polish minorities."[108]

CitationsEdit

  1. ^ "onet.pl" (in Polish). Retrieved 1 February 2020.
  2. ^ a b Hloušek, Vít; Kopeček, Lubomír (2010), Origin, Ideology and Transformation of Political Parties: East-Central and Western Europe Compared, Ashgate, p. 196
  3. ^ a b Nordsieck, Wolfram (2019). "Poland". Parties and Elections in Europe. Retrieved 28 November 2019.
  4. ^ "PiS - Mamy program dla Polski u dla Unii Europejskiej". pis.pl.
  5. ^ "Pawłowicz:Unia Europejska to dla mnie szmata". Wirtualna Polska.
  6. ^ https://www.economist.com/europe/2018/08/09/polands-government-wants-to-take-control-of-banking
  7. ^ https://www.politico.eu/article/poland-needs-more-liberalism-not-less/
  8. ^ "Program działań Prawa i Sprawiedliwości. Tworzenie szans dla wszystkich". Instytut Sobieskiego. Archived from the original on 21 February 2016. Retrieved 14 February 2016.
  9. ^ "Dossier: What PiS would change in the economy". Polityka Insight. PI Research. October 2015. Retrieved 14 August 2018.
  10. ^ Elliott, Dominic (26 October 2015). "Poland's tilt to nationalism is bad for investment".
  11. ^ Why is Poland's government worrying the EU? The Economist. Published 12 January 2016. Retrieved 22 July 2017.
  12. ^ "EU takes Poland to court over judicial crackdown". Axios. 24 September 2018.
  13. ^ "European Court of Justice orders Poland to stop purging its supreme court judges". The Independent. 19 October 2018.
  14. ^ "After Loss in Austria, a Look at Europe's Right-wing Parties". Haaretz. 24 May 2016.
  15. ^ Henceroth, Nathan (2019). "Open Society Foundations". In Ainsworth, Scott H.; Harward, Brian M. (eds.). Political Groups, Parties, and Organizations that Shaped America. ABC-CLIO. p. 739.
  16. ^ "Family, faith, flag: the religious right and the battle for Poland's soul". The Guardian. 5 October 2019.
  17. ^ "The Rise of Poland's Far Right". Foreign Affairs. 18 December 2017.
  18. ^ Traub, James (2 November 2016). "The Party That Wants to Make Poland Great Again". The New York Times Magazine.
  19. ^ Adekoya, Remi (25 October 2016). "Xenophobic, authoritarian – and generous on welfare: how Poland's right rules". The Guardian.
  20. ^ "Protests grow against Poland's nationalist government". The Economist. 20 December 2016.
  21. ^ https://www.rp.pl/Rzecz-o-polityce/303299876-Jaroslaw-Kaczynski-z-Romana-Dmowskiego.html?preview=1&remainingPreview=4&grantedBy=preview&#ap-1. Missing or empty |title= (help)
  22. ^ "Antoni Macierewicz: Wieś jest w centrum programy PiS" [Antoni Macierewicz: Polish countryside is at the center of the PiS program]. Polskie Radio 24 (in Polish). 6 April 2019. Retrieved 8 May 2019.
  23. ^ Joanna Solska (6 April 2019). "Konwencja rolnicza w Kadzidle. PiS znów stawia na wieś" [Agricultural Convention in Kadzidło. PiS again puts on the countryside]. Polityka (in Polish). Retrieved 8 May 2019.
  24. ^ SJ, MNIE (26 May 2019). "PiS wygrywa na wsi. KE w miastach" [PiS has won in the countryside. KE in cities]. TVPinfo (in Polish).
  25. ^ a b Stijn van Kessel (2015). Populist Parties in Europe: Agents of Discontent?. Palgrave Macmillan UK. p. 145. ISBN 978-1-137-41411-3.
  26. ^ Łukasz Warzecha (20 April 2018). "PiS, Czyli Populizm i Socjalizm" [PiS means Populism and Socialism] (in Polish). Retrieved 29 May 2019.
  27. ^ Michael Minkenberg (2013). "Between Tradition and Transition: the Central European Radical Right and the New European Order". In Christina Schori Liang (ed.). Europe for the Europeans: The Foreign and Security Policy of the Populist Radical Right. Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. p. 261. ISBN 978-1-4094-9825-4.
  28. ^ Lenka Bustikova (2018). "The Radical Right in Eastern Europe". In Jens Rydgren (ed.). The Oxford Handbook of the Radical Right. Oxford University Press. p. 574. ISBN 978-0-19-027455-9.
  29. ^ Aleks Szczerbiak (2012). Poland Within the European Union: New Awkward Partner Or New Heart of Europe?. Routledge. p. 1. ISBN 978-0-415-38073-7.
  30. ^ Fijołek, Marcin (2012). "Republikańska symbolika w logotypie partii politycznej Prawo i Sprawiedliwość". Ekonomia i Nauki Humanistyczne (19): 9–17. doi:10.7862/rz.2012.einh.23.
  31. ^ Electoral coalition, 235 seats in total
  32. ^ Electoral coalition, 48 seats in total
  33. ^ Electoral coalition, 27 seats in total
  34. ^ Krzyżanowska, Natalia; Krzyżanowski, Michał (2018). "'Crisis' and Migration in Poland: Discursive Shifts, Anti-Pluralism and the Politicisation of Exclusion". Sociology. 52 (3): 612–618. doi:10.1177/0038038518757952. S2CID 149501422.
  35. ^ Nordsieck, Wolfram (5 June 2019). Parties and Elections in Europe: Parliamentary Elections and Governments since 1945, European Parliament Elections, Political Orientation and History of Parties. BoD – Books on Demand. ISBN 9783732292509.
  36. ^ a b c d e f g Bale, Tim; Szczerbiak, Aleks (December 2006). "Why is there no Christian Democracy in Poland (and why does this matter)?". SEI Working Paper (91). Sussex European Institute. Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  37. ^ Santora, Marc (14 October 2019). "In Poland, Nationalism With a Progressive Touch Wins Voters (Published 2019)". The New York Times. Retrieved 20 October 2020.
  38. ^ Illiberal democracy: Authoritarianism or dictatorship: Both:
  39. ^ "Poland Ousts Government as Law & Justice Gains Historic Majority". Bloomberg. 25 October 2015. Retrieved 25 October 2015.
  40. ^ "Poland elections: Conservatives secure decisive win". 25 October 2015. Retrieved 25 October 2015.
  41. ^ Moder, Clara Maria (20 March 2019). "What Happened to Poland? On the Ongoing Crisis of Democracy". In Ulrike, Guérot; Michael, Hunklinger (eds.). Old and New Cleavages in Polish Society. Edition Donau-Universität Krems. pp. 13–14. ISBN 978-3-903150-47-8.
  42. ^ a b c d Tworzecki, Hubert (2019). "Poland: A Case of Top-Down Polarization". The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. 681 (1): 97–119. doi:10.1177/0002716218809322. S2CID 149662184. Lacking the two-thirds of majority needed to change the constitution outright, as Hungary’s government had done several years earlier, PiS sought to accomplish the same goal through ordinary legislation. When the Constitutional Tribunal objected, its rulings were ignored until it could be packed with government supporters, some of whom were sworn in by the president—a strong partisan of PiS himself, who made no effort to stand in the government’s way—in a rushed, middle-of-the-night ceremony. The national legislature was likewise turned into a rubber-stamp body through routine side-stepping of parliamentary procedure.
  43. ^ Szczepański, Jarosław; Kalina, Paulina (2019). "The Road to Autocratization?". Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs. 23 (3): 121–132. ISSN 1428-149X.
  44. ^ "Przyjdzie dzień, że w Warszawie będzie Budapeszt". tvn24.pl.
  45. ^ Karolewski, Ireneusz Paweł (2016). "Protest and participation in post-transformation Poland: The case of the Committee for the Defense of Democracy (KOD)". Communist and Post-Communist Studies. 49 (3): 255–267. doi:10.1016/j.postcomstud.2016.06.003.
  46. ^ "EU and Poland edge closer to showdown over judicial reform". Financial Times.
  47. ^ Koper, Pawel; Sobczak, Anna. "Polish president backs down in judicial reform spat". Reuters.
  48. ^ "The Observer view on Poland's assault on law and the judiciary". The Guardian. 22 July 2017.
  49. ^ "How Poland's government is weakening democracy". The Economist.
  50. ^ Marcinkiewicz, Kamil; Stegmaier, Mary (21 July 2017). "Poland appears to be dismantling its own hard-won democracy". The Washington Post.
  51. ^ "Chronology: Poland clashes with EU over judicial reforms, rule of law". Reuters. 4 July 2018. Retrieved 16 July 2020.
  52. ^ Rettman, Andrew (19 December 2019). "Poland risks leaving EU with new judges law, Tusk warns". EUobserver. Retrieved 16 July 2020.
  53. ^ Moberg, Andreas (2020). "When the Return of the Nation-State Undermines the Rule of Law: Poland, the EU, and Article 7 TEU". The European Union and the Return of the Nation State: Interdisciplinary European Studies. Springer International Publishing. pp. 59–82. ISBN 978-3-030-35005-5.
  54. ^ Sadurski, Wojciech (2019). Poland's Constitutional Breakdown. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-884050-3.
  55. ^ Lendvai‐Bainton, Noemi; Szelewa, Dorota (2020). "Governing new authoritarianism: Populism, nationalism and radical welfare reforms in Hungary and Poland". Social Policy & Administration. doi:10.1111/spol.12642.
  56. ^ Zawadzka, Z (17 December 2018). "Polish Productions about Polish Problems". In Robson, Peter; Schulz, Jennifer L. (eds.). Ethnicity, Gender, and Diversity: Law and Justice on TV. Lexington Books. p. 123. ISBN 978-1-4985-7291-0. On January 7, 2016, the amendment of the Radio and Television Act of December 29, 1992 was signed into law, enabling the conservative government to control the state media.; "Poland". RSF. Reporters without borders. Retrieved 27 September 2020. Partisan discourse and hate speech are still the rule within state-owned media, which have been transformed into government propaganda mouthpieces. Their new directors tolerate neither opposition nor neutrality from employees and fire those who refuse to comply.; Surowiec, Paweł; Kania-Lundholm, Magdalena; Winiarska-Brodowska, Małgorzata (2020). "Towards illiberal conditioning? New politics of media regulations in Poland (2015–2018)". East European Politics. 36 (1): 27–43. doi:10.1080/21599165.2019.1608826. S2CID 164430720.
  57. ^ Piotrowski, Grzegorz (2020). "Civil Society in Illiberal Democracy: The Case of Poland". Politologický časopis - Czech Journal of Political Science. XXVII (2): 196–214. doi:10.5817/PC2020-2-196. ISSN 1211-3247.
  58. ^ Sata, Robert; Karolewski, Ireneusz Pawel (2020). "Caesarean politics in Hungary and Poland". East European Politics. 36 (2): 206–225. doi:10.1080/21599165.2019.1703694. S2CID 213911605.
  59. ^ Sadurski 2019, Illiberal Democracy or Populist Authoritarianism?.
  60. ^ Ágh, Attila (2019). Declining Democracy in East-Central Europe: The Divide in the EU and Emerging Hard Populism. Edward Elgar Publishing. pp. 175–176. ISBN 978-1-78897-473-8.
  61. ^ Law and Justice breakaway politicians form new 'association', thenews.pl
  62. ^ Conservatives' EU alliance in turmoil as Michał Kamiński leaves 'far right' party, The Guardian, 22 November 2010
  63. ^ "Opposition party Law and Justice expels critics". Polskie Radio. 4 November 2011. Retrieved 6 November 2011.
  64. ^ "Conservative MPs form 'Poland United' breakaway group after dismissals". TheNews.pl. 8 November 2011. Retrieved 31 May 2012.
  65. ^ "MPs axed by Law and Justice opposition". TheNews.pl. 15 November 2011. Retrieved 31 May 2012.
  66. ^ "New Polish conservative party launched". TheNews.pl. 26 March 2012. Retrieved 31 May 2012.
  67. ^ Myant et al. (2008), p. 3
  68. ^ a b c d Tiersky, Ronald; Jones, Erik (2007). Europe Today: a Twenty-first Century Introduction. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield. p. 392. ISBN 978-0-7425-5501-3.
  69. ^ Frank Jacobs, "Zombie Borders", The New York Times Opinionator blog, 12 December 2011
  70. ^ Jungerstam-Mulders (2006), p. 104
  71. ^ Jungerstam-Mulders (2006), p. 103
  72. ^ Myant et al. (2008), pp. 67–68
  73. ^ Myant et al. (2008), p. 88
  74. ^ Szczerbiak, Aleks; Taggart, Paul A. (2008). Opposing Europe?. Oxford: Oxford University Press. p. 224. ISBN 978-0-19-925830-7.
  75. ^ Maier et al. (2006), p. 374
  76. ^ Jungerstam-Mulders (2006), p. 100
  77. ^ "PiS wygrywa: koniec NFZ, system budżetowy i sieć szpitali? - Polityka zdrowotna". www.rynekzdrowia.pl.
  78. ^ "Protests over Abortion Ruling Widen, Radicalise and Threaten Polish Government". Balkan Insight. 26 October 2020. Retrieved 28 October 2020.
  79. ^ "Jarosław Kaczyński o aborcji. Dzieci z zespołem Downa muszą żyć". Onet Wiadomości (in Polish). 14 October 2016. Retrieved 2 August 2018.
  80. ^ "Inauguracja Programu Dostępność Plus 2018-2025" (in Polish). Ministerstwo Inwestycji i Rozwoju. Retrieved 2 August 2018.
  81. ^ "PiS przeznaczy 23 mld zł na program "Dostępność Plus"". Business Insider (in Polish). 17 July 2018. Retrieved 2 August 2018.
  82. ^ "Protest of disabled persons in the Sejm - communique from the Sejm Information Centre for the foreign media" (in Polish). Sejm. Retrieved 2 August 2018.
  83. ^ "Parents of disabled children occupy Poland's parliament". Deutsche Welle. 26 April 2018. Retrieved 2 August 2018.
  84. ^ "Poland's culture war: LGBT people forced to turn to civil disobedience". euronews. 6 October 2020. Retrieved 21 October 2020.
  85. ^ ANNUAL REVIEW OF THE HUMAN RIGHTS SITUATION OF LESBIAN, GAY, BISEXUAL, TRANS, AND INTERSEX PEOPLE IN POLAND COVERING THE PERIOD OF JANUARY TO DECEMBER 2019 ILGA-Europe
  86. ^ Fitzsimons, Tim. "Anti-gay hate on the rise in parts of Europe, report finds". NBC News. Retrieved 21 October 2020.
  87. ^ European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (2020). EU LGBTI II: A long way to go for LGBTI equality (PDF). European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights. doi:10.2811/7746. ISBN 978-92-9474-997-0.
  88. ^ Wiadomosci, PL.
  89. ^ "Polish election", Gay mundo, The gully.
  90. ^ "Poland: LGBT rights under attack". Amnesty International. Retrieved on 19 July 2009.
  91. ^ "Poland: Official Homophobia Threatens Basic Freedoms". Human Rights Watch. 4 June 2006.
  92. ^ Bączkowski and Others v. Poland
  93. ^ "Polish PM abolishes anti-discrimination council". Radio Poland. 4 May 2016. Retrieved 29 August 2019.
  94. ^ Kelly, Lidia; Justyna, Pawlak (3 January 2018). "Poland's far-right: opportunity and threat for ruling PiS". Reuters. Retrieved 29 August 2019.
  95. ^ a b Polish towns advocate ‘LGBT-free’ zones while the ruling party cheers them on, Washington Post, 21 July 2019
  96. ^ Why 'LGBT-free zones' are on the rise in Poland, Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, 27 July 2019
  97. ^ Polish ruling party whips up LGBTQ hatred ahead of elections amid 'gay-free' zones and Pride march attacks, Telegraph, 9 August 2019
  98. ^ Ciobanu, Claudia (25 February 2020). "A Third of Poland Declared 'LGBT-Free Zone'". Balkan Insight. Retrieved 20 October 2020.
  99. ^ Gera, Vanessa (13 June 2020). "Polish president calls LGBT 'ideology' worse than communism". AP NEWS. Retrieved 20 October 2020.
  100. ^ "Polish president revives attacks on LGBT community in re-election campaign". The Irish Times. 12 June 2020.
  101. ^ "Polish president says he would ban LGBT teaching in schools". Reuters. 10 June 2020. Retrieved 13 July 2020.
  102. ^ "Polish president proposes constitutional ban on gay adoption". NBC News. Retrieved 12 July 2020.
  103. ^ Polynczuk-Alenius, Kinga (2020). "At the intersection of racism and nationalism: Theorising and contextualising the 'anti-immigration' discourse in Poland". Nations and Nationalism. doi:10.1111/nana.12611.
  104. ^ Krzyżanowski, Michał (2018). "Discursive Shifts in Ethno-Nationalist Politics: On Politicization and Mediatization of the "Refugee Crisis" in Poland". Journal of Immigrant & Refugee Studies. 16 (1–2): 76–96. doi:10.1080/15562948.2017.1317897. S2CID 54068132.
  105. ^ Żuk, Piotr (2018). "Nation, national remembrance, and education — Polish schools as factories of nationalism and prejudice". Nationalities Papers. 46 (6): 1046–1062. doi:10.1080/00905992.2017.1381079. S2CID 158161859.
  106. ^ S.A., Wirtualna Polska Media (30 September 2008). "Prezydent L. Kaczyński: nacjonalizm jest złem".
  107. ^ IAR. "Lech Kaczyński: Patriotyzm nie oznacza nacjonalizmu".
  108. ^ "Jarosław Kaczyński z Romana Dmowskiego - Rzecz o polityce - rp.pl".
  109. ^ "Kowal: Kaczyński powstrzymuje w Polsce nacjonalizm". Kresy - Portal Społeczności Kresowej.
  110. ^ Żuk, Piotr; Żuk, Paweł (2019). "Dangerous Liaisons between the Catholic Church and State: the religious and political alliance of the nationalist right with the conservative Church in Poland". Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe. 27 (2–3): 191–212. doi:10.1080/25739638.2019.1692519. S2CID 211393866.
  111. ^ "Search Result | AUTONOM.PL | autonomiczni nacjonaliści nowoczesny nacjonalizm AN". autonom.pl.
  112. ^ ""Prawo I Sprawiedliwość" | Nacjonalista.pl - Dziennik Narodowo-Radykalny". nacjonalista.pl.
  113. ^ "Wyniki wyszukiwania dla ""Prawo i Sprawiedliwość"" – Xportal.pl".
  114. ^ "Far-right Polish official steps back from radical comments". Seattle Times. 4 January 2019.
  115. ^ "Polish minister accused of having links with pro-Kremlin far-right groups". The Guardian. 12 July 2017.
  116. ^ Bachman, Bart (15 June 2016). "Diminishing Solidarity: Polish Attitudes toward the European Migration and Refugee Crisis". migrationpolicy.org. Retrieved 17 August 2019.
  117. ^ The Everyday Politics of Migration Crisis in Poland: Between Nationalism, Fear and Emphathy, Palgrave Macmillan, Krzysztof Jaskulowski, 2019, pages 38-45
  118. ^ Jaskulowski, Krzysztof; Pawlak, Marek (11 April 2019). "Migration and Lived Experiences of Racism: The Case of High-Skilled Migrants in Wrocław, Poland". International Migration Review. 54 (2): 447–470. doi:10.1177/0197918319839947.
  119. ^ Wyborcza, Adam Leszczyński of Gazeta (2 July 2015). "'Poles don't want immigrants. They don't understand them, don't like them'". The Guardian.
  120. ^ "Polish opposition warns refugees could spread infectious diseases". Reuters. 15 October 2015.
  121. ^ "Kto chce zakazać Koranu w Polsce - Polityka - rp.pl".
  122. ^ "W Siedlcach wiec poparcia dla rządu PiS". 9 September 2017. Retrieved 14 August 2018.
  123. ^ "frakcje w PiS".
  124. ^ "kto jest kim w PiSie".
  125. ^ "Wojny PiSowskich frakcji".
  126. ^ "Czy Morawiecki szkodzi Dudzie".
  127. ^ "Wojna Ziobry z Morawieckim".
  128. ^ Prawapolityka.pl Energetyka, samorządy, demografia – WYWIAD z dr Janem Klawiterem

ReferencesEdit

External linksEdit